*University of California,
San Francisco, Center for AIDS Prevention Studies and University of California,
Los Angeles, School of Public Health
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ………………………………..……………………………29
This study aimed to determine whether lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender and intersex persons in Japan experience violence: 1)
directed against them because of their sexual orientation or gender identity
(i.e., bashing); 2) occurring within intimate partner dyads; 3) by or against
family members; and 4) toward the self. Additional goals were to identify the perceived
health impacts of such violence, describe how these issues are defined and
understood within the Japanese context, characterize the socio-cultural
environment that influences the occurrence of violence, and identify specific
areas of inquiry that future studies can examine in further depth. An
ethnographic framework comprised of qualitative interviews (n=39), participant
observation (n=54), and archival research was used to find that physical,
sexual, verbal, and psychological forms of bashing, intimate partner violence,
self-harm/suicidality, and intra-family violence are experienced and
perpetrated by sexual minorities. The violence was perceived by participants to
result in a number of poor health outcomes, ranging from minor physical and
psychological injuries to severe harm requiring hospitalization, and to death
in a number of cases. The socio-cultural environment in contemporary Japan is
conducive to sexual minority violence due largely to an increase in violent
crime in the general population, which has direct bearing on violence in sexual
minority populations, and cultural homophobia that informs all other levels of
the social ecology and gives tacit assent to violent sanctions against sexual
minorities. Based upon the data, recommendations targeting structural
institutions, cultural homophobia, and individual-level perceptions are
delineated and discussed.
B1. Data Collection
Data were collected in Japan in
2003-2004 using three methods in an ethnographic
framework: 1) in-depth, semi-structured, qualitative interviews (n=39); 2)
participant observation (n=54); and
3) archival research. Nine persons participated in both the qualitative
interviews and participant observation, yielding a combined, unduplicated
sample of 84 individuals (N=84). The study achieved saturation of themes in the
data, and the sample size comfortably exceeded recommended standards in ethnographic
scholarship (Bernard, 2002).
B1a. Qualitative interviews. The qualitative
interviews were formal and scheduled in advance. Thirty-one of the 39
interviews were conducted in Tokyo, and the remaining 8 were conducted in
Kyoto, Nagoya, Chiba, and Ibaraki. They averaged 2 hours in duration and
gradually moved from broad questions about social friction and interpersonal
conflict in the lives of sexual minorities to narrower domains of inquiry about
violence, specifically. To ensure the acquisition of formative data on the
fullest range of perceptions possible, the study sought to document reports of
violence at 3 levels: 1) personal experience (self, jibun); 2) specific violent incidents within one’s circle of
family, friends, intimate partners, and acquaintances (“in-group”, uchi); and 3) specific cases of violence
experienced outside of this same group (“out-group”, soto). As such, if respondents had any knowledge of sexual minority
violence, they were asked to discuss it in the most applicable terms: their own
experiences, those of others, or both. Rather than discounting reports of
violence experienced by other persons as merely “hearsay”, it was essential to
trust respondents’ richly detailed accounts and accept them as viable data. Due
to the silence that that surrounds sexual minority violence in Japan, and the
general invisibility of perpetrators and survivors, the importance of
documenting all relevant reports and perceptions at this early stage of
research on the topic cannot be overstated. With permission, all interviews
were audio recorded and transcribed for analysis. Personal names and
identifying information were removed from interview records to maintain
confidentiality, and only gender-appropriate pseudonyms (e.g., fictional names
are being used in papers submitted for publication.
FIGURE 1. Primary and secondary study sites.
B1b. Participant observation. Participant
observation included personal interaction with community members, participation
in community activities, observation, and informal, unscheduled interviews with
participants, mainly in sexual minority community settings and sometimes in
“mainstream” settings. Most participant
observation occurred in Tokyo, particularly in Shinjuku Ni-Chome, the main sexual minority community in the city,
where the author was based during the study period. All participant observation
activities, including quotes from informal interviews and observations of
behavior, were recorded in field notes, which were then formally analyzed.
B1c. Archival research. Archival research
involved an examination of: academic resources, such as books and articles in
Japan that were not readily available in the U.S.; any accessible public record
material, including secondary data on sexual minority violence, laws, and
policies; sexual minority publications, such as magazines and websites; and
mainstream media sources, including newspapers, magazines, and the Internet.
B2. Sample
B2a. Qualitative
interviews. A total of 39 people were formally interviewed for the
study. Snowball sampling was used to recruit 26 adult sexual minority community
members. This method works by locating one or more key individuals and asking
them to refer other people in their social networks to the study, then repeating
this procedure with each new participant (Bernard, 2002). Additionally, purposive
sampling was used to enhance heterogeneity in the qualitative interview sample (Patton, 1990) and identify 13 key
informants, or “experts”, who, by means of their work, possessed specific,
insider knowledge relevant to sexual minority violence in areas such as health
care, law, sexual minority-related academic research, and social services,
including violence prevention. To be in the study, sexual minority community
members had to: 1) be age 20 or over; and 2) self-identify as lesbian, gay,
bisexual, transgender, or interex. Inclusion criteria for experts were: 1) age
20 or over; and 2) professional expertise relevant to sexual minority IPV.
Notably, whereas sexual minority identity was not a requirement for experts, 10
of the 13 expert participants did self-identify as sexual minorities..
Demographic information on the formal qualitative interview participants is
summarized in Table 1.
B2b. Participant observation. Snowball
sampling was used also in participant observation to capitalize on social
networks, and persons were not excluded from the study based on their sexual
orientation. Indeed, perceptions and knowledge of sexual minority violence held
by heterosexually-identified persons were valuable in supplementing the data
from sexual minority participants, thus allowing for a broader, more
contextualized and complete understanding of the problem. The participant
observation sample included 54 adults aged 20 or over. Due to the comparatively
informal interviewing style and transient nature of interaction in the study’s
participant observation, the collection of demographic data was limited to
gender and sexual orientation (Table 2). Notably, 9 of the 54 individuals who
took part in participant observation were also participants in the formal
qualitative interviews.
TABLE 1. Demographics of Formal
Qualitative Interview Participants (N=39)
|
|
No. of participants (%)
|
|
Participant
category
Sexual minority community members
Experts/key informants
|
26 (67)
13 (33)
|
|
Sex/gender
ID
Male
Female
Transgender
Male-to-female (MTF)
Female-to-male (FTM)
Intersex
|
23 (59)
10 (26)
--
1 (2.5)
4 (10)
1 (2.5)
|
|
Sexual
orientation
Gay
Lesbian
Bisexual
Pansexual (open to all)
Heterosexual
Questioning/uncomfortable with labels
Refused to state
|
22 (56)
6 (15)
3 (8)
1 (2.5)
1 (2.5)
5 (13)
1 (2.5)
|
|
Age
(Mean = 32.6 years)
20-29
30-39
40-49
50-59
|
16 (41)
13 (33)
8 (21)
2 (5)
|
|
Employment
status a
Full-time
Part-time
Student
Unemployed
|
22 (56)
5 (13)
11 (28)
2 (5)
|
|
Living
situation
Alone
With parents
With roommates
With partner
|
20 (51)
5 (13)
6 (15)
8 (21)
|
|
Marital
status
Currently married (heterosexual spouse)
Divorced (heterosexual spouse)
Never married
|
1 (2.5)
4 (10)
34 (87)
|
aTotals to more than
39 because multiple responses possible.
TABLE 2. Gender
Identification and Sexual Orientation of Participant Observation Sample (n=54)
|
|
No. of participants (%)
|
|
Sex/gender
ID
Male
Female
|
35 (65)
19 (35)
|
|
Sexual
orientation
Gay
Lesbian
Bisexual
Pansexual (open to all)
Heterosexual
|
25 (46)
6 (11)
1 (2)
1 (2)
21 (39)
|
B3. Data Analysis
Field notes from participant
observation and transcripts from the audio-recorded qualitative interviews were
analyzed for emergent themes and conceptual connections using qualitative data
analysis software called ATLAS.ti 5.0 (Scientific Software
Development, 2005).
The analysis used techniques from grounded theory (Glaser & Strauss,
1967; Strauss & Corbin, 1990) and the iterative approach to qualitative text
analysis outlined by Willms and colleagues (1990). This involved: 1) multiple
re-readings of the field notes and transcripts; 2) an evolving coding process
–as categories were organized into larger domains, which in turn were combined
under broader themes through a process of addition, deletion, and merging; and
3) constant comparison of extracted excerpts. Archival sources were coded by
hand and analyzed using the same strategies. Material from the Internet was
printed to hard copy to facilitate coding. Questions regarding nuanced language
and meaning were addressed to Japanese research assistants for confirmation
throughout the analysis.
This
violence is manifested physically,
psychologically, verbally, and
sexually, and it occurs in a social
and cultural context that has two main components:
C2. Sexual Minorities
and Mainstream Japanese Society
Analysis of the data indicates that
homophobia operates in Japanese society. Whether Japan is more or less
homophobic compared to Western societies like the United States is less
important than documenting the anti-sexual minority sentiment that is indeed
very real to those who experience it in Japan. Negative assessments of sexual
minorities by the mainstream are not based in religious notions of sin as in
the West; rather, they are based in a cultural intolerance of difference –a
profound difficulty in accepting and incorporating “the other” into the
mainstream. Despite difference in the foundations
of homophobia when compared to the West, the resulting stigma attached to sexual minority identity in Japan is
not so different from the Western variety. The following findings from this
study substantiate that many Japanese sexual minorities live in a homophobic
socio-cultural environment:
- Whereas
some people have positive images of sexual minorities, mainstream society
typically either perceives sexual minorities in a negative manner or fails
to recognize them at all.
- Tolerance
of sexual minorities by the mainstream is predicated on the latter’s
invisibility.
- Cultural
heterosexism is best demonstrated by the intense pressure felt by all
members of society, including sexual minorities, to marry a person of the
opposite sex. Although this pressure is less now compared to before, it
remains pronounced and wide in scope.
- Most
sexual minorities do not disclose their true sexual identities for fear of
negative repercussions. Those who do choose to “come out,” very rarely do
so to their parents or at their workplaces.
- Discrimination
against sexual minorities is widespread in Japan, most notably in the
following spheres:
1.
Laws and policies
2.
Employment
3.
Housing
4.
Healthcare
5.
Giving Blood
6.
Education
Discrimination against minorities based on factors other
than sexuality (e.g., race/ethnicity, traditional castes, homelessness)
underscores problems with the full integration of those perceived as different
into mainstream society.
C3. Violence
Involving Sexual Minorities
Study participants
reported personal experience and perpetration of violence in addition to
violence involving friends, professional clients, and other acquaintances.
Because this study was exploratory, it was important to consider all such
reports of abuse in order to understand as much of the full range of experience
as possible. Excluding cases not directly involving the participants from the
analysis would have greatly diminished the essential insight provided by those
data.
Table 3 summarizes frequency data
from the qualitative interviews on experience and knowledge of violent
incidents. Three levels of experience and/or knowledge of specific cases of
violence are differentiated:
1. Having
personally experienced violence (jibun).
2. Having
knowledge of specific violent incidents within one’s circle of family, friends,
intimate partners, and acquaintances: uchi,
or “In-group”.
3. Having
knowledge of specific cases of violence experienced outside of this same
circle: soto, or “Out-group” (e.g.,
reports in gay and lesbian media, or from friends about third parties).
These
three categories of knowledge/experience are considered for each of four major
types of violence reported by participants:
1. Anti-sexual
minority violence (bashing).
2. Intimate
partner violence (IPV).
3. Self-harm/suicide.
4. Violence
involving family members.
Experience
and/or knowledge of physical, verbal, psychological, and sexual forms of
violence were counted equally.
TABLE 3. Experience and Knowledge of Violent Incidents:
Data from Qualitative Interviews (n=39)
|
|
No. of participants (%)a
|
|
Experienced Bashing (jibun)
|
8 (20.5%)
|
|
Knew of Bashing Case(s),
In-group (uchi)
|
15 (38.5%)
|
|
Knew of Bashing Case(s), Out group (soto)
|
30 (76.9%)
|
|
Experienced IPV (jibun)
|
9 (23.1)
|
|
Knew of IPV case(s), In-group
(uchi)
|
20 (51.2)
|
|
Knew of IPV case(s), Out-group
(soto)
|
18 (46.1)
|
|
Experienced Self-Harm (jibun)
|
15 (38.5%)
|
|
Knew of Self-Harm
Case(s), In-group (uchi)
|
13 (33.3%)
|
|
Knew of Self-Harm
Case(s), Out-group (soto)
|
12 (30.8%)
|
|
Experienced Intra-Family
Violence (jibun)
|
5 (12.8%)
|
|
Knew of Intra-Family
Violence Case(s), In-group (uchi)
|
6 (15.3%)
|
|
Knew of Intra-Family
Violence Case(s), Out-group (soto)
|
7 (17.9%)
|
aTotals to
more than 100% due to reports in multiple categories.
Only one
person reported not having heard of, or experienced, any kind of violence
involving sexual minorities.
C3a. Anti-Sexual Minority Violence (Bashing)
This
study documented the occurrence of physical, sexual, verbal, and psychological
forms of anti-sexual minority violence (i.e., bashing). The following comprised
the main themes that emerged from the data:
·
Bashing is one of
the two forms of sexual minority violence (the other is suicide) that are
currently being addressed by sexual minority agencies such as the Japan
Association for the Lesbian and Gay Movement (動くゲイとレズビアンの会), OCCUR （アカー）.
·
Physical and
sexual bashing:
Ø
Tend to occur in
public “cruising sites”.
Ø
Are perceived as
relatively low risk compared to other types of violence.
Ø
Perpetrators are
usually young –often adolescent- heterosexual men, unknown to the
victim, occasionally acting alone, but more often acting in groups.
Ø
Victims are most
often men and typically do not fight back against their assailants.
·
Verbal and
psychological bashing:
Ø
Are perceived to
be highly prevalent.
Ø
Include bullying,
which is a common form of anti-sexual minority abuse experienced by children
and even adults.
Ø
Include blackmail,
which generally occurs in the same settings as physical and sexual bashing:
cruising areas.
Ø
Perpetrators are
both mainstream heterosexuals and sexual minorities.
Ø
Victims include
all types of sexual minorities. Bullying tends to happen to youth who do not
behave according to traditional gender roles.
·
Sexual harassment
and “near sexual assaults” (i.e., severe sexual harassment that almost becomes
physical assault) are also important issues that are perceived as forms of
bashing by sexual minorities.
·
All types of
anti-sexual minority violence were predicted to increase in incidence in the
future.
·
Perceived health
outcomes ranged from minor physical injuries to death, and from mild
psychological injuries to serious mental illness.
·
Reporting of any
type of anti-sexual minority violence to law enforcement, medical or mental
health care providers, or family is rare. Survivors sometimes tell their
friends.
·
Police and
physicians, in particular, were perceived as generally not helpful in response
to those who did seek their help.
To the researcher’s knowledge, this study documents for
the first time the existence of intimate partner violence (IPV) among sexual
minorities in Japan. Similar to anti-sexual minority violence, IPV was found to
occur physically, sexually, verbally, and psychologically. Participants
understood sexual minority IPV to be qualitatively very similar to heterosexual
IPV against women, although public awareness of violence in sexual minority
couples is comparably much lower –almost non-existent. The key findings on IPV
include:
Ø
Included slapping, punching, kicking, slamming heads
against walls, pushing down stairs, strangling, biting, pulling out hair,
pushing a person in front of a moving car, cutting and stabbing with knives,
throwing dangerous objects, and burning with cigarettes.
Ø
Tend to co-occur with verbal/psychological IPV.
Ø
There was some lack of clarity among participants about
whether or not coerced sex was “sexual violence”.
Ø
The practice of sadomasochism between intimate partners
is a potential confounder for the analysis of sexual IPV.
- Psychological/verbal IPV:
Ø
Psychological and verbal IPV were rarely understood as
separate phenomena by participants. This contrasts with the perception of a
clear distinction between these categories for anti-sexual minority violence.
Ø
Included verbal assaults, which typically targeted a
partner’s self-esteem or gender identity; severe control of a partner’s
activities; and having sex outside a primary relationship to emotionally harm a
partner.
Ø
Stalking and blackmail by sexual minority intimate
partners were also reported as psychological violence.
Ø All
types of sexual minorities, both Japanese and foreigners.
Ø Potentially
more likely to be lesbians, bisexual women, and transgender persons, compared
to gay and bisexual men and intersex persons.
Ø Per
